Comments:Лексика 178. The vocalism reflects a variation between *pak`o (in most languages) and *pak`u ( > Jpn. *púká), perhaps under the influence of a similar fish name *bek`ú q. v.
Comments:KW 7, Poppe 11, Цинциус 1984, 30-31, Doerfer MT 22, Rozycki 78 (although, despite the two latter authors, in this case one can hardly think of a loanword). A Western isogloss. May be an old "Wanderwort" (cf. PIE *pelek'u-). Low tone and shortness reconstructed because of Mong. *h-.
Comments:Цинциус 1984, 31. An Eastern isogloss. The Korean etymology in SKE 187 - to TM *pak- 'dark' - is hardly plausible). Cf. perhaps also TM *pāŋ-sa- ( < *pań-ŋsa?) 'black'.
Comments:A rather abstract common Altaic root. Note WMong. abu-ri which can probably be identified with Man. fafu-ri < *pap`ó-rV (but MJ faberi is rather < *pampi ari, with a Jpn. auxiliary verb.
Comments:АПиПЯЯ 68, 280, Дыбо 13. In Jpn. 'thin' < 'pressed, compressed'. The root is actively interacting with *pĭ̀sa and *p`i̯úsa q. v. The vowel variation in Japanese dialects may point to a variant *pằse.
Comments:The root should be distinguished from *bašo q. v. (cf. the distinction in Manchu), although some contaminations were possible. Note a peculiar alternation *-s-/*-č- both in TM and Kor., possibly indicating an old suffixed variant *p`asi-č`V. PJ *pasir- 'run', because of its vocalism, is rather to be attributed to PA *p`ĕ̀ĺo q. v.
Comments:An Eastern isogloss. Aspiration in Korean may be due to secondary affixation (*phó < *po-h- < *pVbV-g-); however, a reconstruction *pāgu- is not excluded for PTM, and therefore the PA form may be as well reconstructed as *pājgu (*-j- is needed anyway to explain fricativization in Japanese).
Comments:An expressive root with somewhat violated correspondences. Cf. some similar bird names: Khak. pegem 'wood-hen', Bur. bug-bātar 'owl' (if the analysis 'demon-hero' is a folk etymology); Oroch bajakuli 'name of a bird', Man. bajbula 'magpie'.
